The Hostage Strategy

Every time Congress approaches a government shutdown, the playbook comes out. Choose the most visible, most inconvenient, most publicly painful points of federal operation. Threaten to let them collapse. Blame the other side. Repeat until someone flinches.

This cycle, it's the TSA. Approximately 60,000 Transportation Security Administration employees would work without pay in a shutdown. Airports — already operating at the edge of functional — would face officer call-outs, security lane closures, and the kind of cascading delays that turn a two-hour flight into a four-hour ordeal. Congress knows this. They're counting on it. The traveling public's misery is the point.

Jittery lawmakers warning of economic catastrophe if the TSA goes unfunded are not sounding alarms out of concern for the public. They are pulling a fire alarm to force a negotiating outcome. The people caught in the security line at O'Hare are not stakeholders in this conversation. They are props.

This is governance at its most cynical, and it happens — reliably — because it works.

The TSA Wasn't Built to Be a Political Football

The Transportation Security Administration was created in the frantic weeks after September 11, 2001. The Aviation and Transportation Security Act passed the Senate 100-0 in November of that year. Congress was in agreement on exactly one thing: Americans needed to be able to fly safely, and the patchwork of private security contractors that had failed catastrophically needed to be replaced with a federal workforce with real authority and real accountability.

Twenty-four years later, the same body that created TSA with unanimous urgency treats it as a chip on the budget table. The officers who get up at 4 a.m. to staff pre-dawn security lanes — who work one of the most thankless, physically demanding jobs in the federal government — are now the leverage in a spending fight they have no part in creating.

I've talked to TSA officers. Not for any formal purpose — just the conversations you have in the line, in the break between security and the gate. They are not ideologues. They are working people. Many of them are veterans who took a federal job because the pay is stable and the benefits are real. They did not sign up to work without pay because two parties can't agree on a continuing resolution.

The idea that responsible governance requires the threat of leaving them without a paycheck is a confession of institutional failure. A functioning legislature would not require this kind of brinkmanship to perform basic operations. The fact that we've normalized it — that shutdown drama is now just part of the Washington calendar — tells you everything about what Congress has become.

Who Actually Pays

The senators and representatives making these threats will get paid regardless of whether the government shuts down. Members of Congress are compensated under the Twentieth Amendment in ways that insulate them from the consequences of their own inaction. The TSA officer working the 5 a.m. shift at Reagan National does not have that protection.

Airlines lose revenue. Travel businesses lose bookings. Hourly workers who depend on airport foot traffic lose shifts. And the travelers themselves — families on spring break, business travelers with non-refundable tickets, people flying home for emergencies — they absorb hours of delay, missed connections, the specific misery of being stuck in a security line that isn't moving because half the lanes are closed.

The economic cost of a shutdown that disrupts air travel is not abstract. A single day of significant TSA disruptions at the top twenty airports runs into hundreds of millions of dollars in lost productivity and economic activity. The lawmakers warning about economic damage while threatening to cause it are not sounding an alarm. They're making a threat and calling it concern.

A Simple Fix Nobody Wants to Make Simple

There is a straightforward solution that Congress has consistently refused to implement: fund essential services — including TSA, air traffic control, and other functions that create immediate public harm if they lapse — through mandatory appropriations that do not expire with the annual budget cycle. Take them off the table. Make them as immune to shutdown drama as Social Security payments and debt service.

This would deprive Congress of its favorite hostage. Which is exactly why it won't happen.

The shutdown drama is not a bug. It's a feature — a pressure mechanism that both parties use when other leverage is unavailable. Removing the pressure mechanism would require Congress to actually negotiate on the merits of spending decisions rather than threatening the public's airport experience. That's a harder, more honest kind of governance. It requires explaining to voters why a program costs what it costs, why it should be funded or cut, what trade-offs are being made.

Much easier to close the security lanes at Dallas/Fort Worth and blame the other party for the chaos.

The TSA officers who will work without pay if this shutdown happens deserve better than to be used as leverage. The traveling public deserves better than to be used as leverage. The budget process — however dysfunctional — should be resolved on its own terms, not by threatening the specific federal functions that most visibly inconvenience the most people.

Congress created TSA unanimously because the stakes were obvious. The stakes haven't changed. The institution has.